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Sign up for newsletters emailed to your inbox. Follow us on Twitter. Like us on Facebook. In , consultants to the commission began a limited investigation into the potential presence of mass graves at three locations. The Tulsa Chamber of Commerce has recently apologized for its actions in the wake of the massacre; it also donated copies of minutes from its meetings to the Greenwood Cultural Center. Tulsa has undertaken programs supposedly aimed at revitalizing and developing economic opportunities in the Greenwood area.
Current Tulsa Mayor Bynum is supporting a plan to bring a BMX Olympic arena and headquarters to Greenwood, a plan he says will bring job and other opportunities to black Tulsans in the area. But community members do not necessarily agree that this approach will help them. North Tulsa and Greenwood community leaders have raised concerns that businesses and political leaders developing the Greenwood area are not doing enough to preserve black culture in the historic area, [] making it unaffordable for many black Tulsans, and not prioritizing economic opportunities for them. Kavin Ross, from the Oklahoma Eagle Newspaper , a black-owned publication that has been located in Greenwood since , described survivors and descendants having to withstand the legacy of displacement in Tulsa, especially in Greenwood.
According to data analysis by the Institute on Metropolitan Opportunity at the University of Minnesota Law School see below , there are net declines in low-income populations at or below percent of the federal poverty line , as well as the black population, in the historic Greenwood district, downtown Tulsa, and surrounding areas a little further north and east—including the Tulsa Arts and Blue Dome districts.
Scores of angry residents stood in the lobby outside the chamber, and crowds remained outside the doors of city hall itself. Brenda Nails-Alford, a resident of North Tulsa who attended the meeting, said that her ancestors lost their property in the race massacre and, again, during urban renewal efforts. The historic Greenwood district offered proof that black people could create economic opportunity, in the shadows of systematic oppression and white supremacy.
This right requires that governments ensure access to justice, truthful information about the violation, and reparation. Victims of gross violations of human rights, like the Tulsa Race Massacre, should receive full and effective reparations that are proportional to the gravity of the violation and the harm suffered.
The Tulsa Race Massacre and surrounding events led directly to the loss of hundreds of lives, loss of liberty, substantial personal and business property loss, and damage to objects of cultural significance. Compounding inequalities stemming from the massacre led to lower life expectancy, increased need for mental health services, loss of economic opportunity, and other harms to community members over decades. Existing judicial mechanisms have failed to provide that remedy in part due to the statute of limitations.
But international human rights standards provide that such statutes of limitations should not be unduly restrictive—applying a statute of limitations to limit remedies in cases of gross violations of human rights is particularly problematic.
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In situations where those responsible cannot or will not provide reparation, governments—in this case including the US government—should endeavor to establish reparation programs and support victims. The US federal government as well as state and local governments have made reparations in the past to victims of human rights violations. The victims of the Tulsa Race Massacre deserve access to an effective remedy for the harms they have suffered.
At the same time, it is important that the United States go beyond reparations in this specific case. The Tulsa Race Massacre occurred in a context of systemic racism rooted in the US history of slavery, segregation, discrimination, oppression, and violence against black people. The massacre compounded the existing inequality in the system, doing devastating harm to the community, which, despite periods of regeneration and renewal, has never fully recovered—both due to the lack of any meaningful effort to remedy the harm, and because of ongoing systemic racism.
Before the abolishment of the international slave trade in , [] , Africans were sold into the United States.
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According to a report by the Equal Justice Initiative EJI , an estimated 4, racial terror lynchings took place during that time, [] including those that occurred during the Tulsa Race Massacre. The US government has never adequately accounted for these wrongs or the subsequent 20th century policy decisions that resulted in the structural racism, economic, education, and health inequalities, housing segregation, and discriminatory policing policies and practices, described above, that exists today. Human Rights Watch has long supported reparations to address the brutality of slavery and historical racist laws that set different rules for Black people and white people.
Article 6 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination ICERD , establishes the right to remedy and to seek adequate reparation for acts of racial discrimination like slavery and the many crimes against Black people that have followed from it in the United States. But governments are also independently obligated to address structural discrimination. Reparations should be based not just on past harms but on contemporary ones too—the question is how to do so fairly, timely, and equitably. It has never been voted out of the House Judiciary Committee, where it has been introduced, but support for it is growing, demonstrated by the long list of co-sponsors, now at , all but one of them signing on in the last year.
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The recommendations below to the Tulsa, Oklahoma, and US governments are primarily focused on the need for proportionate and prompt reparations for the massacre and its aftermath. However, they also touch upon broader reparations for slavery, and the obligation of governments to address ongoing structural racism. The longer harms go unaddressed, the more difficult and complex it will be to develop adequate reparation mechanisms that are proportionate to the gravity of the crime and to the harm caused.
A member of the US Congress should reintroduce, and Congress should pass, legislation to clear the legal hurdle that the statute of limitations poses to the assertion of civil claims related to the Tulsa race massacre and its aftermath. At the time of writing, [] Viola Fletcher, residing in Bartlesville, Oklahoma, who just celebrated her th birthday, [] and Lessie Benningfield Randle, aged , living in Tulsa were the only known living survivors of the Tulsa Race Massacre living in Oklahoma.
Neither they nor any descendants of survivors have ever received any restitution or compensation for the harm they suffered. A member of the Oklahoma legislature should introduce, and the legislature should pass, legislation that would clear the legal hurdle that the Oklahoma statute of limitations now poses to civil claims related to the massacre and its aftermath. In addition, the state of Oklahoma and city of Tulsa should commit not to assert any statute of limitations defense in any claims brought against them in connection with the massacre so that the claims can be heard on the merits.
State and local authorities should continue and fund the investigation into the existence of mass graves currently underway, recover, and identify the remains. Such a plan should include, as the commission recommended, direct payments to massacre survivors and their descendants. It should also include measures to further rehabilitation, truth-telling, and guarantees of non-repetition.
In designing such a plan, state and local authorities could consider the following measures, some of which community members have recommended :. Authorities could offer rehabilitation for survivors and descendants, including free trauma-informed care as a result of the generational impacts of the massacre. The city of Tulsa could work with the Oklahoma Department of Health to issue lifetime medical benefits and burial services to all living survivors and descendants residing in Greenwood and North Tulsa.
The city and state should consider substantially expanding the limited existing scholarship award program. Authorities should develop any plans in close consultation with community members. Among other options, authorities could consider establishing a business development fund for black residents in Greenwood and North Tulsa and ensuring administration and decision-making for the fund includes leaders from the target communities, and includes a process for consultation with long-time residents.
They could actively recruit Greenwood residents to apply for grants or provide community-based block grants for black applicants expressing interest in entrepreneurial activities. They could ensure that a certain percentage of grants benefit black entrepreneurs from Greenwood and North Tulsa. The city of Tulsa should also consider providing capital endowments for future historical and arts exhibits that capture the full essence of thriving Greenwood, in addition to continuing and implementing plans for the renovation and expansion of the existing Greenwood Cultural Center.
State and local authorities could encourage other actors to support reparations as well. In particular, they could:. Develop and implement programs in various federal agencies, including the Department of Health and Human Services, the Department of Housing and Urban Development, the Department of Justice, the Department of Labor, the Department of Commerce including the US Small Business Administration , and the Department of Education, that are specifically designed to counter the long-term effects of structural racism.
The numbers reported are likely vast underestimates of the number of black people in the US killed through racially motivated violence in those years, as there was no official mechanism to accurately record all the incidents. Pneumonia, typhoid fever, malnutrition, smallpox took their toll. Gustafson remained in Tulsa and became a private investigator. See also Hirsch, Riot and Remembrance , p. Ellsworth, Death in a Promised Land, p. It also contains the link to the full report and a link to the dataset at the bottom of the article.
While poor people and people of color bore the brunt of the negative consequences of displacement from their communities, increased segregation, and heightened inequality, scholars have also noted that the policy brought shopping centers, office buildings, and entertainment centers cities across the United States. Michael R. So why did they build them? Under the terms of the law, the federal government would pay 90 percent of the cost of expressway construction.
Human Rights Watch calculated these percentages based on the population data in the OK Policy report. Some of these zip codes extend past the exact borders of the city of Tulsa, and the total population numbers here include people in such areas as there is no way to break down the numbers more precisely from this dataset.
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The slight overcounting does not detract from the overall trend. This disparity in wealth reflects a national disparity between white and black people and is not unique to Tulsa. Payday lenders give short-term loans to poor people with strict and onerous conditions, including high interest rates. Borrowers often have to take out new loans to pay back the original loan. Their business model is to profit from people in immediate financial crisis by advancing money for rent, medical bills, car payments, court fines, bail and other survival needs.
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People who depend on these short-term loans get stuck in a cycle of debt that keeps them in poverty. On file with Human Rights Watch. East Tulsa also had high levels of payday lenders. Labor force participation is defined as people either working or actively seeking employment, as opposed to those who are unable to work due to disability, age or other reasons, and those who have given up on finding employment.
This disparity of lifespan based on wealth is pervasive in the US. While that difference had narrowed by about three years in a study of data, other zip codes reflected widening gaps. Oklahoma has among the highest percentages of people without health insurance of US states. John Medical Center , p. Students miss an average of It has high rates of suspensions and students dropping out of school.
Not surprisingly, the 10th grade achievement scores are extremely low. By contrast, Booker T. Washington High School has a 3. Its students are suspended far less frequently and very few of them drop out of school.
Police funding for FY — accounted for Mayor Bynum argues that operating a separate city jail will save Tulsa the cost of paying the county to house these prisoners. Kate Hamaji, et al. He asked for love on security pros to get the photograph. East, daily active 50 plus dating and russian women dating the most trusted dating and we polish online dating websites cooperate with our. Setting up chats and marriage.
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